dinsdag 31 januari 2012

The Iran complex: why history matters

by Paul Rogers

Pro Mossadeq demonstration
Photo provided by Nasser-sadeghi on WikiMedia Commons

A sense of enduring history and more recent experience of bitter conflict inform Iran's nuclear stance. To understand this could be a way to avoid war.

The United States navy currently has two aircraft-carrier battle-groups on station in the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea, led by the USS Abraham Lincoln and the USS Carl Vinson. Both deployments are said by official sources to be "routine", and it is true that there are often two battle-groups in the region during a changeover. In the present circumstances, however, both have just joined the fleet and are likely to be on station for several months (see “The thirty-year war: past, present, future”, 20 January 2012).

The group led by the Abraham Lincoln has transited the Strait of Hormuz into the Persian Gulf without incident. There is concern that impending Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) naval exercises could add to tensions. At present, though, the American deployments look for the moment to be more a case of preparing for uncertainties in the wake of possible Israeli action rather than setting the scene for direct US action against Iran.

This assessment is supported by the visit to Israel of the new chair of the US chiefs of staff, General Martin Dempsey. At a press conference there, he argued for greater engagement between Israel and Iran, not least on regional issues (“U.S.Military Chief in Israel Amid Iran Tensions”, Defense News/AFP, 20 January 2012).

These developments notwithstanding, many in Israel do want military action against Iranian nuclear sites; and many American neo-conservatives and others on the political right scorn Barack Obama as a weak and flawed president unable to deal with Iran or its growing influence in Baghdad.

For many in Israel and for hawks in Washington, a nuclear-armed Iran would be an existential threat. Their approach, however, tends to ignore or dismiss attitudes within Iran - including those that inform the nuclear ambitions not just among senior regime figures but more broadly across Iranian society. It may be helpful to look at this angle more broadly, not least in terms of what compromises might be possible to avoid a dangerous war.

The traces of history

An appropriate starting-point is Iran's sense of history and place in the world. The former includes a continuous Persian statehood spanning many dynasties, including the Parthian and Sassanid, across four millennia. A key component of this awareness is Persia's cultural independence when the country was controlled by the Mongols and its ability to avoid falling under the sway of the neighbouring Ottomans.

The latter includes a conviction that for several thousand years, Iran - with the Indus valley and Mongol empires to the east and Babylon, Greece, Rome and Egypt to the west - has been at the world's civilisational centre. Even today this is a country of nearly 80 million people in a region of great geopolitical significance whose desire for modernity on its own terms is admixed with the singular religious dimension of Shi’a Islam.

Iran's experience since the late 19th century is to a great degree seen in tension with this earlier history. The country was never directly colonised by the Europeans, and its modernising path was launched from within by the constitutional revolution of 1905-07. But the sustained tussle between the British and the Russians in the imperial era, lasting into the second world war and beyond, has left a lasting impression of the dangers of external interference and threats to national integrity.

The monarchical regime of Reza Shah Pahlavi installed in 1925 (and passed to his son in 1941) was by the early 1950s increasingly viewed as a creature of the British and Americans, whose role in Iran was understood as motivated by the desire to control the country's oil resources. The ousting of the nationalistic prime minister Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953 with the aid of MI6 and the CIA, and the Shah's authoritarian rule and pro-western stance in the following years, implanted this impression further in the minds of millions of Iranians. Such sentiments helped to fuel the revolution of 1978-79.

A consequence of this history is that in Iranian political culture there is a distinct combination of self-confidence and insecurity. If the former is rooted in that long history, the latter is a response to this recent experience. The challenge represented by this complex psychology is nowhere more acutely present than in the nuclear issue. In particular, for very many Iranians (far beyond regime insiders) the country's civil- nuclear power programme has become a key symbol of modernity which and one that will not lightly be discarded - even in a post-Fukishima environment where nuclear power is in retreat.

Many uncertainties surround Iran's nuclear-weapons ambitions, including whether the aim is eventually to actually have a deterrent or else maintain a "virtual" capability. Iran's sense of insecurity may mean both that the latter is non-negotiable (at least for now) but that former is - given the financial costs and the technical difficulties - a "development too far". This itself could allow some room for compromise.

Beyond this general context lies an important specific factor relating to the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps. This force was at the forefront of defending the revolution against Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi invasion in 1980, the spark of an eight-year war that cost the lives of over half a million Iranians, mostly young men, in one of the most brutal static wars since the western front in 1914-18.

Since the early 1990s, the IRGC has been transformed - and as its economic activities have increased, its status as the guardian of the revolution has declined. Many in Iran see it as both powerful yet also as having "gone soft"; and some in the upper echelons of the Revolutionary Guard see a violent confrontation, especially with Israel, as a way of restoring a sense of purpose and not a little prestige.

The cost of distrust

Two related elements must here be taken into account. The first is that many of the most senior leaders in the modern-day Revolutionary Guard were in the 1980s young soldiers and paramilitaries, and retain vivid memories of the Iran-Iraq war (much as the American military leadership practising "shock and awe" in the early 1990s against Iraq had experienced the trauma of Vietnam). The second, particularly relevant in current circumstances, is how the Iran-Iraq war ended in early 1988.

By that time the Iranians, after eight years of bitter conflict, were slowly gaining the ascendancy. But the more they did, the more the United States came down on the side of the Iraqis. This tilt reached an extraordinary peak in March-April 1988, and was exemplified in two incidents. The first was the Saddam regime's chemical-weapon assault on the Kurdish town of Halabja on 16 March which killed more than 3,000 people, an event which received less attention than it deserved and was surrounded by unjustified rumour as to its source - in great part because the Reagan administration's hostility to Iran and indulgence of Iraq at the time shaped its response.

The second came at the end of a protracted "tanker war" involving both Iraq and Iran, when in April the US navy engaged in a series of actions against its small Iranian counterpart. Operation Praying Mantis involved the destruction of the Iranian frigate Sahand (and severe damage to a second, Sabalan), the pulverising of three armed speedboats, and the disabling of two oil platforms; the whole operation greatly weakened the Iranian navy.

The US navy could cite Iranian "provocations" - but in Iranian eyes the attacks were a clear demonstration of Washington "taking sides" with Iraq in order to prevent an Iran-Iraq ceasefire that might otherwise be reached on Iranian terms. In any event, the ceasefire that resulted involved Iran - which had been invaded in 1980 - making painful compromises. The wounds were intensified by the USS Vincennes's shooting down in mid-1988 of an Iranian airbus, in which all 290 civilian passengers and crew were killed.

Such events, albeit though more than two decades ago, remain prominent in Iran's political memory - especially among Revolutionary Guard forces in the current leadership. They reinforce an enduring distrust of the United States and specific antagonism towards the US navy.

In itself this distrust and the experiences it draws on do not make war inevitable or even more likely - and the very destruction of Iranian ships and facilities in 1988 is a stark reminder of the US's superior military forces in the region. Such influences, however, do underpin Iran's search for a nuclear-deterrent force and do erect real obstacles to the kind of trust-building that is essential to a peaceful compromise.

Paul Rogers is professor in the department of peace studies at Bradford University. His books include Why We’re Losing the War on Terror (Polity, 2007), and Losing Control: Global Security in the 21st Century (Pluto Press, 3rd edition, 2010). He is on twitter at: @ProfPRogers

This article first appeared on openDemocracy January 26, 2012

dinsdag 24 januari 2012

Chas Freeman: mondiale vooruitzichten voor 2012

    
President Barack Obama and Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany walk along the Colonnade of the White House, June 7, 2011.
(Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)

Onder de titel "Chas Freeman considers the global outlook for 2012publiceerde Paul Woodward op 19 november een deel van de voordracht die de voormalige VS ambassadeur in Saudi Arabië 18 november hield in Macao (China) voor een groep investeerders. Het deel over Europa en de VS wordt hieronder integraal weergegeven.

Europe used to be boringly predictable, which was good for business. Now bits of it have reverted to being excitingly unreliable, which is bad. Repeated crises have addicted European leaders to summits, where they agree on partial solutions to problems and create new ones, then go home to think up still more ways to unnerve each other and investors. The year ahead seems certain to feature more summits and more Eurotorture of the world’s financial nervous system. The fiscal sobriety and punctiliousness of northern Europeans will not soon prevail over the bouzoukinomics and bunga bunga politics of Europe’s exuberantly irrational and overly indebted south.

More fundamentally, however, as a club of clubs, Europe has just shown itself to be much less than the sum of its far too many movable parts. In some of the clubs that make up Europe, members are seriously tired of each other as well as of the way responsibility is apportioned. The mismatch between the eurozone’s membership and that of the European Union, in particular, makes German creditworthiness, not the EU, central to the credibility of the euro. And there is an obvious contradiction between a bureaucratically administered supranational currency and the democratically exercised sovereign authority of Europe’s many nation-states.

As Greece has just demonstrated, the European project is seriously incomplete and vulnerable to disruption by reckless acts of political brinkmanship. In the absence of Europe-wide democracy, national democracy and multinational community-building no longer seem compatible. Decisions based on local interests, no matter how legitimately they are arrived at, can threaten both pan-European and global interests in market stability and economic revival. Sadly, in many ways, Europe remains more colloquium than commonwealth — more a confederation of small minds and big egos than a federal union of peoples. The incongruities and incompetencies of a still far-from-united Europe have become a problem not just for Europeans but for the world.

The destabilizing effects of financial uncertainty may now be Europe’s most notable export. But the United States seems determined to one-up the perversity of European indecisiveness. Europe has the will to act, but not the political machinery to act coherently. America has the mechanisms and the resources needed to make decisions and implement them. It lacks the wit, the will, and the spirit of political accommodation to do so. In effect, the United States now suffers from fiscal anorexia — economic self-starvation born of an obsession with curing the imagined obesity of government. But America’s civilian public sector is already too lean to sustain the nation’s socio-economic health and competitiveness. The United States is disinvesting in its human and physical infrastructure — consuming its sinews — at the very moment when it most needs to rebuild its strength. India may be the world’s largest functioning democracy but America is now seen everywhere as its largest dysfunctional one.

Ideological delusion, self-indulgence, arrogance, and unbridled greed got America - and the world economy - into their current mess. Devotion to fanciful concepts, despite their catastrophic results when actually applied, has undermined the credibility of the “full faith and credit” of the United States. Many Americans remain wedded to the bizarre notions that the redistributive functions of government are a net drag on the economy, that reducing government investment and outlays will somehow generate jobs, that financial engineering adds real value to the economy, and that unequal income distribution stimulates economic growth. In a less narcissistic political environment, people would laugh at the idea that cutting public spending — and thereby contracting the economy — could possibly create jobs and stimulate growth or that a “SuperCommittee” of the finest politicians that vested interests can keep in office could magically balance a budget that is 40 percent in the red solely by cutting non-defense expenditures, without raising revenues.

Samengevat ziet Freeman in 2012 meer Eurotops en meer foltering van het mondiale financiële stelsel. De soberheid van de Noord-Europeanen zal het snel halen op de kwistzucht van het zuiden. De EU is niet de som van de verschillende delen. De leden raken op elkaar uitgekeken en zijn de manier waarop verantwoordelijkheid wordt gedeeld moe. Door de tegenstellingen wordt de Duitse kredietwaardigheid de as waar de geloofwaardigheid van de Euro om draait. De supranationale munt spoort niet met de democratisch uitgeoefende soevereiniteit van de lidstaten. Griekenland bewijst dat het Europese project door roekeloos nationaal beleid kan worden ontwricht. Zonder Europese democratie is nationale democratie onverzoenbaar met Europese gemeenschapsvorming. Nationale belangen bedreigen Europese en mondiale stabiliteit en economisch opleving. Europa blijft een confederatie van kleine geesten en grote ego’s. De tegenstellingen binnen het bij lange na niet verenigd Europa worden een probleem voor Europa en voor de wereld.

Maar de VS steekt Europa op besluiteloosheid nog de loef af. Europa wil optreden maar mist de politieke instrumenten. In Amerika mankeert het aan politieke wil. De VS lijdt aan begrotingsanorexia. De publieke sector is niet topzwaar, maar te mager om het land socio-economisch en concurrentieel overeind te houden. Organisaties en infrastructuur worden afgebouwd op een moment waarop geïnvesteerd moet worden in veerkracht. De democratie disfunctioneert. Ideologische begoocheling, genotzucht, arrogantie en ongebreidelde hebzucht hebben een janboel gemaakt van Amerika en van de wereldeconomie. De o zo mooie maar vaak rampzalige denkbeelden hebben de geloofwaardigheid van de VS ondermijnd. In een minder narcistische politieke omgeving lacht men om de theorie dat een herverdelende overheid een rem zet op de economie, dat ontvetting van de overheid leidt tot nieuwe jobs, dat financiële technieken de economie ten goede komen, en dat inkomensongelijkheid economische groei stimuleert. Snijden in het overheidsbudget leidt tot een krimpende economie, niet tot meer jobs. Een begrotingstekort van 40% werkt men zonder belastingverhogingen niet weg enkel door te snijden in niet-militaire uitgaven.

Elders in zijn toespraak gaf Freeman een uiterst interessant exposé van zijn visie op de vooruitzichten voor het jaar 2012 voor de rest van de wereld.

De immer welbespraakte Freeman is op Geopolitiek in perspectief geen onbekende. Het artikel “Het vredesproces Israel-Palestina van 23 september 2010 kondigt de bewerkte samenvatting aan van zijn speech America’s Faltering Search for Peace in the Middle East: Openings for Others?” voor een groep stafleden van het Noorse ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken en leden van het Noorse Instituut voor Internationale Aangelegenheden op 1 september 2010 in Oslo. Deze verscheen in drie delen op 24 , 25, en 26 september 2010. En op 20 april 2010 verscheen het artikel “God bless America, dat een samenvatting geeft van Freeman’s vlammende toespraak “An Empire Decomposed: American Foreign Relations in the Early 21st Century voor gepensioneerde medewerkers van Buitenlandse Zaken in Arlington op 24 maart 2010.

dinsdag 17 januari 2012

Hans Blix: Iran laat zich niet afdreigen

                 

In de periode 1981-1997 was de Zweedse diplomaat Hans Blix [1] directeur-generaal van het Internationaal Atoomenergieagentschap IAEA [2]. In die functie legde hij verschillende inspectiebezoeken af aan de Iraakse kernreactor in Osirak. Dat gebeurde voordat die werd vernietigd door de Israëlische luchtmacht, een aanval die werd opgevat als een schending van het Handvest van de VN en het internationaal recht, en als zodanig veroordeeld. In 2000, in de aanloop naar de Irak-oorlog van 2003, werd Blix door VN-secretaris-generaal Kofi Annan uit pensioen teruggeroepen om de leiding van het VN-inspectieteam in Irak op zich te nemen. Blix, wiens oordeelkundige en nuchtere stijl [3] medewerkers van de regering-Bush II - die zijn aanpak hekelden - in diskrediet bracht, verweet tijdens een interview op BBC-TV [4] de VS en Groot-Brittannië de dreiging van massavernietigingwapens (MVW) in Irak te hebben opgeklopt om argumenten te kunnen aanvoeren voor de oorlog van 2003 tegen Irak. Uiteindelijk werden daar geen MVW gevonden.

In de bovenstaande videoclip [5] van zijn interview met RT-journaliste [6] Sophie Shevardnadze [7] op 20 december 2011 zegt Blix dat men het recente IAEA-rapport over Iran’s nucleair programma goed moet lezen. Het vermeldt niet dat Teheran momenteel kernwapens ontwikkelt. Blix meent dat Iran hooguit de nodige voorbereidingen treft om zo nodig snel een kernwapen te kunnen produceren, maar daar nu niet aan begint. Iran staat niet bekend als een agressief land. De uitdagende uitspraken van Iraanse president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad waren volgens Blix niet gericht aan het adres van Israel, maar aan dat van de Arabische bevolking, waarmee hij dacht de Arabische landen te kunnen destabiliseren. “Ik zie geen onmiddellijke dreiging van Iran, maar ik begrijp wel dat de Israëli’s nerveus zijn,” aldus Blix.

Blix bevestigt dat men de zoektocht van destijds naar massavernietigingswapens in Irak kan vergelijken met de huidige heisa rond het nucleaire programma van Iran. In het geval van Irak sprak men over wapens die in werkelijkheid niet bestonden. “Vandaag spreekt men over Iraanse voornemens [om de beschikking te krijgen over kernwapens] die al of niet bestaan,” zegt Blix.

Blix meent dat de dreigementen van haviken in Israel en de VS de Iraniërs niet van hun huidige koers kunnen afschrikken. Een aanval op Iran, met of zonder kernwapens, betekent oorlog in de wijde regio, aldus Blix, omdat Iran onmiddellijk zal terugslaan. Dat kan de VS bij zo’n oorlog betrekken. Voor Blix spelen de Israëlische en Amerikaanse haviken met vuur. Diplomatie is voor hem de aangewezen weg om ze te overtuigen. In de gesprekken met Iran neemt het Westen een veel te neerbuigende houding aan. Men moet met Iran onderhandelen als een gelijkwaardige gesprekspartner, aldus Blix. De Iraniërs zijn trotse mensen, zoals zoveel volken. Die benader je niet in oppermachtige, neokoloniale stijl. Die moet je op geloofwaardige wijze ervan overtuigen dat ze geen kernwapens of uraniumverrijkinginstallaties nodig hebben.

Tenslotte wijst Blix erop dat de plannen voor een kernwapenvrije zone in het Midden-Oosten die volgend jaar in Helsinki zullen worden aangekondigd enkel kans van slagen hebben indien zowel Iran als Israel bereid zijn toegevingen te doen. “Israel geeft niet toe dat het over kernwapens beschikt. Wat ze zeggen is dat ze niet als eerste kernwapens in het Midden-Oosten zullen introduceren,” aldus Blix, waaraan hij toevoegde dat het naar zijn mening in het belang van alle betrokkenen beter is dat Israel, noch Iran over kernwapens zouden beschikken, of over een daaraan gelieerde industrie.

De internationale conferentie in Helsinki, die volgend jaar door de Finse regering zal worden georganiseerd, lijkt echter een papieren tijger te worden. [8] Over het vraagstuk van de verspreiding van kernwapens in de wereld is in 1970 het non-proliferatie verdrag (NPT) aangenomen. Dat beoogt dat niet-nucleaire staten afzien van kernwapens en landen die ze al hebben geloofwaardige stappen zetten om ze te ontmantelen. De vorderingen worden regelmatig getoetst. Tijdens de toetsingsconferentie van 2010 kwam het voorstel van Egypte tot de instelling van een kernwapenvrije zone in het Midden Oosten aan de orde. Egypte stelde voor daartoe een regionale NPT-conferentie te beleggen waar Israel en Iran aan deelnemen, en vroeg de VS dat initiatief te steunen. Maar de ontmoedigende reactie van de dishonest broker de VS was: “De beste kans die we hebben om een zone vrij van massavernietigingswapens in het Midden Oosten te bereiken is een duurzaam en rechtvaardig vredesakkoord in het Midden Oosten”. [9] Zonder steun van de VS is ook dit nieuwe initiatief om de wereld wat veiliger te maken gedoemd te mislukken.

[1] Wikipedia: “Hans Blix
[2] Wikipedia: “International Atomic Energy Agency
[3] Warren Hoge: “Ex-U.N. Inspector Has Harsh Words for Bush
[4] BBC News 8 februari 2004: “Blix doubts on Iraq intelligence
[5] RT: “‘Iran cannot be scared out of having nukes’ - Ex-IAEA chief
[6] Russisch Engelstalig satelliet-TV-kanaal, zie Wikipedia: “RT (TV network)
[7] Wikipedia: “Sophie Shevardnadze
[8] zie Baher Kamal: “Middle East Nuclear Free Bid Moves to Finland – Yet Another Lost Chance?
[9] Geopolitiek in perspectief: “De hypocrisie van het enige land dat ooit kernwapens heeft gebruikt

zondag 8 januari 2012

Tour d’horizon: An Iranian optic on the Middle East and its prospects

by Seyed Mohammad Marandi

Almost a year ago, in a well-remembered Friday prayer sermon delivered on February 4, 2011, Ayatollah Khamenei spoke at length, in Arabic, about the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt. At the time, the Egyptian people were on the streets attempting to topple the Western-backed dictator, Hosni Mubarak. In his sermon, after praising the Tunisian people, Ayatollah Khamenei spoke of how Mubarak had humiliated Egypt by becoming an American pawn and an ally of Israel. He also recalled the sharp pain that Egyptians felt when Mubarak helped implement the Western-imposed, inhuman siege of Gaza and when his regime worked in partnership with Israel and the United States during the 22-day onslaught against women, men, and children there in late 2008.

Ayatollah Khamenei went on to speak about the history and intellectual traditions that have given Egypt its unparalleled importance in the Arab world. In this context, he described the movement unfolding in Egypt as both Islamic and freedom-seeking, with its potential for significant impact on the Middle East. Noting that the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt had parallels to Iran’s revolution more than three decades ago, he also underscored that the situations are not all identical; each is unique, in accordance with different geographical, historical, political, and cultural conditions. Claims that Iran is seeking to export its ideology or model of government to Egypt, he said, were dishonest attempts to keep the peoples of the region divided. He went on to warn that the United States has recognized it cannot keep its pawns in power, so it will attempt to “move its pawns around” to preserve its hegemony and should not be trusted. [1]

Sharp criticisms were leveled at Ayatollah Khamenei’s sermon in the West and by parts of the Arab media. Commentators attacked the idea that these movements constituted an “Islamic Awakening”, claiming they had nothing to do with religion. It was an “Arab Spring”, they intoned; the revolutionaries were looking to establish secular liberal democracies, not embrace "theocratic" rule. However, as time went by, it became clear that the Western political establishment, the Western media, and most Western “experts” - who had not anticipated the coming revolutions in the first place - were once again incapable of correctly understanding the situation in Egypt or correctly interpreting the broader region’s realities. Hence, their dismay with the results from the first round of the parliamentary elections in Egypt, in which the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice coalition and the Salafist Noor coalition together received over two thirds of the votes, despite the fact that voting mostly took place in areas not normally considered to be religious strongholds. [2] It is already apparent how the parliament that will emerge from these elections is likely to steer the process of drafting a new constitution for Egypt - if it is allowed to do so by the country’s U.S.-backed military.

The Western (or Western-affiliated) Middle East “experts”, who were previously so adamant that these revolutions were secular in nature, now wonder how to read unfolding events. Some are putting on a brave face, expressing hope that, after a few years, Islamic parties will fail and people will vote for Western-oriented liberal parties - as if people in the region do not remember who backed and continues to back Arab dictatorships. They do not seem to recognize that the social and economic crisis currently taking place throughout Europe and the United States has already raised serious questions about the nature and future of liberal capitalism, especially in the Middle East and other non-Western parts of the world.

Western elites’ difficulties in understanding the Middle East are exacerbated because their sources of information in the region are basically local secular elites - wealthy, Western-educated, and even Western-oriented Muslim intellectuals. Westerners collectively fail to recognize that such people are simply not representative of their societies. As in Iran, the large majority of Egyptians are religious. If past experience in Iran is something to go by, the Muslim Brotherhood will probably at some point split into two or more separate parties, which will then provide competing interpretations of how society should be run. Hence, religious parties will probably be the dominant forces in Egyptian politics for many years to come - not just for one or two electoral cycles.

Indeed, if the Muslim Brotherhood does not meet popular expectations in the coming months and years, it is the Salafists who are likely to capitalize on this to expand their own influence over Egypt, not Western-style, secular liberals. The Salafists’ strong electoral performance and  substantial external funding positions them to declare, in the not-so-distant future, that it is time for “true Islam” to save the country. This is something that Western countries should be deeply concerned about, as the ideologies of these Salafist groups have a great deal in common with those of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. Of course, Americans and Europeans cannot complain about the Salafists’ religious intolerance or their externally-backed rise to power, because they are heavily financed by the West’s closest regional allies. For reasons largely linked to self-preservation, Saudi Arabia and other Arab dictatorships in the Persian Gulf region are financing such extremist groups all over the Arab World and beyond. Over the past three decades [3] they have radically affected societies in significant parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan, creating a culture of intolerance and radically altering the local culture.

In sum - and notwithstanding the scorn directed at Ayatollah Khamenei’s observations a year ago - this is looking very much like the manifestation of an Islamic Awakening. Many factors such as injustice, social inequality, despotism, and western domination contributed to the recent events, but they do not at all contradict the idea of an awakening. For those who kept their eyes open, there were clear signs of this from the prevalence of Islamic slogans as well as the role of mosques and Friday prayers. Significantly, the term “Islamic Awakening” has been used by Ayatollah Khamenei in his public statements as leader nearly two hundred times over the past two decades. [3] He has repeatedly stated that Islamic movements are on the rise and that the region is heading for major changes that are, for the most part, in sharp conflict with Western interests.

Unlike in the West, the Iranian leadership, along with others in the region, has expected these events for many years and is thus much better prepared than Europe and the United States to deal with this reality. [4] The Islamic Republic is rapidly expanding relations with rising political entities throughout the region. It recently held the First International Islamic Awakening Conference, with over seven hundred participants from a host of key regional movements. In the Conference’s Inaugural speech, Ayatollah Khamenei told attendees what he believed to be the principles and slogans of the revolutions: independence, freedom, the demand for justice, opposing despotism and colonialism, the rejection of ethnic, racial, or religious discrimination, and the explicit rejection of Zionism. All of these, he said, are Islamic values, based on the Qur’an. [5]

In the eyes of many Iranians, these extraordinary changes in the Middle East and North Africa - alongside America’s forced withdrawal from Iraq, its inevitable defeat in Afghanistan, the sharp social and economic decline in the West, and the rise of new international players such as China, India, Brazil, Russia, and South Africa - will ultimately lead to a rapid decrease of American and European influence, regionally and globally.

From an Iranian perspective, this provides at least a partial explanation why the United States and the EU are now so explicit in their (so far unsuccessful) attempts to inflict severe pain on ordinary Iranians through “crippling” sanctions. [6] While, in the past, it was clear that the objective of sanctions was to make average Iranians suffer - as the Wikileaks cables confirm [7] - there was at least a hypocritical attempt to portray these actions as humane and directed at the government. Now, the incessant and shrill calls to assassinate and murder Iranian scientists, military officials, and politicians and to launch military strikes on the country reveals the existence of a disturbed mentality among many of the political elite in the West and in the United States in particular. The recent flurry of absurd accusations made against Iran by the US, such as the so-called plot against the Saudi Ambassador to Washington, [8] the rehashed IAEA report presented by a deeply biased director general, [9] cyber attacks, and the attempts to impose sanctions on the Iranian central bank which politicians like Ron Paul consider to be an act of war, [10] is also leading many in Iran to conclude that the United States is currently too irrational for any form of meaningful dialogue.

The Russian Foreign Ministry noted that the IAEA report “had a set goal to deliver a guilty verdict”, [11] despite the fact that, as Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister elsewhere pointed out, there is absolutely no evidence whatsoever to show that Iran’s nuclear program is anything but peaceful. [12] That is why, contrary to the dominant narrative in the Western media, the majority of the “international community”, [13] such as the 120 Non-Aligned Movement states, have consistently backed the Islamic Republic’s position on its nuclear program. [14]

Iranians well remember the American government’s duplicity when President Lula attempted to find a diplomatic solution to the refueling of the Tehran Research Reactor. The reactor, which each year produces medical isotopes for hundreds of thousands of dying cancer patients, was running out of nuclear fuel. Western governments were preventing it from being refueled in order to put pressure on Iran, effectively playing with innocent lives. [15] In April 2010, Obama sent official letters to the Brazilian president and the Turkish Prime Minister stating the conditions that would have to be met for the United States to accept an agreement. When the conditions were met and Lula, Ahmadinejad, and Erdogan signed the Tehran Declaration, Obama shocked the three leaders by immediately rejecting it and pushing for a new UN Security Council resolution to increase sanctions against Iran. Not only did Obama lie to the Brazilian and Turkish leaders and publicly humiliate them, but it later became clear that his letters to them had been intentionally written to mislead both Brazil and Turkey. [16]

It did not take long for history to repeat itself. In July 2001 the Russians put forth a new “step by step” proposal to resolve the nuclear issue. Senior Russian officials informed their Iranians counterparts that the proposal has the support of the United States and subsequently, despite reservations, the Iranians agreed in principle with the plan. [17] It later became clear to the Iranians that the Americans had misled the Russians too and that they did not actually accept the Russian proposal. [18] American actions make it reasonable for Iranians to conclude that the actual US objective is for the nuclear issue not to be resolved and that the real problem for the United States is Iran’s opposition to and resistance against American hegemony. Contrary to claims made in the west, Obama has never seriously attempted to engage with the Iranians on the basis of mutual respect. [19]

The irony is not lost upon Iranians that they have had to experience four rounds of sanctions, even though they have never produced Weapons of Mass Destruction. Yet the countries that have actually pushed for the sanctions - meaning the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany - actually helped provide Saddam Hussain with WMDs to use against Iranian civilians and combatants, as well as against the Iraqi people. In other words, these countries were deeply implicated in crimes against humanity; they compounded their complicity by preventing the UN Security Council from even declaring that Iraq had used such weapons, much less condemning it. Iran on the other hand, despite its capability, refused to produce or use such weapons. In fact, the Islamic Republic has, to this day, never produced chemical weapons, because it considers them inhumane. As war veterans and civilian casualties in Iran continue to die because of the WMDs provided to the former Iraqi regime by the West, it is an understatement to say that Iranians are angered by these governments’ continued attempt to strangle the Iranian economy.

More recently, the extraordinary capture of the unmanned American stealth plane by the Iranian armed forces, not only reveals the extent of Iranian military competence; it also exposes the extent of US hostility towards Iran as well as its sheer disregard of international law, including Afghan sovereignty. [20] What is the point of talking with the United States, Iranian’s ask themselves, when it carried out such provocative acts of hostility with such total unaccountability and impunity?

Many in Iran feel that, to a large extent, the Syrian public has also been made the target of sanctions and foreign intervention because of the West’s extraordinary hatred towards the Islamic Republic. In other words, Syrians must cease to earn a living, because their government, alongside Iran, stands in opposition to the Israeli regime’s apartheid policies. From almost the start of the troubles in Syria, Iranians were aware that external forces were involved, notwithstanding repeated denials by Arab regimes in the Persian Gulf, Turkey, and Western countries. As time passed, this has become even clearer, despite unending media propaganda [21] claiming that it is simply a struggle between unarmed street protestors and the Syrian army and intelligence services. [22] Indeed, the dictatorships of the Arab League are even having problems forcing their own monitors in Syria to tow the official line and now even a poll funded by Qatar, whose results have clearly been spun and completely ignored by the western media, reveals that the majority of Syrians actually support President Bashar Assad. [23]

There is no doubt that the foreign anti-Syrian alliance is, responsible for arming groups, for the devastating car and suicide bombings, and, thus, for the many deaths - including the large number of sectarian murders, largely ignored in the Western media - that have occurred as a result. When American officials and the western media speak of Syrian brutality and constantly repeat unsubstantiated casualty figures presented by western funded Syrian NGOs, [24] it would be good for them to recall how many tens, if not hundreds of thousands of innocent people in Iraq were killed during the insurgency against US occupation. The regular killing of civilians in Afghanistan and the regular drone attacks in Pakistan among other countries are, of course, ongoing tragedies.

Iran believed that the Syrian president should have been given a chance to carry out the reforms which were promised, but that from the start, Western governments and Arab dictatorships were adamant that reforms should not succeed under President Bashar Assad. Hence, they attempted to overrun the legitimate internal opposition with an external one that backs Western military intervention. [25] While the Islamic Republic was critical of the treatment of peaceful protestors with legitimate grievances by Syrian security forces, Iranians knew that, unlike other Arab regimes, President Assad had and continues to have significant popular support. His stance against the Israeli regime, his support for resistance groups, and the fact that unlike other Arab leaders he lives a relatively normal lifestyle, gives him much more street credibility than Saudi, Jordanian, Bahraini, Yemeni, or Egyptian rulers. [26] On multiple occasions in recent months, enormous crowds have taken to the streets in simultaneous pro-Assad demonstrations in major Syrian cities; in contrast, none of the Arab dictators - including his current antagonists - have ever been able to muster such public support for themselves. Indeed, Iran believes that this is the main reason why cruel sanctions have been imposed on Syria: they are meant to do nothing but hurt the general public and cause discontent among the population. President Assad’s foreign adversaries recognize that he has significant popular support; hence, the Syrian people must be punished until this support is diminished.

As in Gaza and Iran, the goal is to punish people for backing political forces critical of the West. In the 1980s the United States had success with such a policy, as they removed the Sandinistas from power in Nicaragua by making life unbearable for ordinary people through sanctions and a bloody insurgency. While Iranians recognize that international law has been unfairly constructed to favor western powers, the increasing Western, Turkish, Saudi, and Qatari disregard for Syrian sovereignty - and even for their own UN Security Council resolution on Libya - is creating a strong sense of lawlessness and chaos. Add to this, of course, the regular and arrogant violation of Iranian sovereignty through drones and “crippling” sanctions as well as active support for anti-Iranian terrorist organization.

In an extraordinary Wall Street Journal interview, the pro-Western Syrian National Council’s spokesman, Burhan Ghalioun, revealed clearly where things stand. He effectively said that if the Syrian state is overthrown, the new regime would relinquish the Resistance against Israel and would move politically towards the “principal Arab powers”, meaning the current Arab dictatorships. [27] Therefore, while there is no doubt that the Syrian government has major deficiencies and that excessive force has been used by army soldiers and security service members, leading to the deaths of innocent people, Iranians do not believe that the US, EU, Qatari and Saudi led attempts for regime change in Damascus are being carried out for the sake of freedom or democracy. If only for self-preservation, these absolute monarchies will, with the aid of their Western backers, try to deter any meaningful move towards democracy near their borders, at all costs. Hence, the continued US support for the Jordanian king, the Egyptian military, [28] the Yemeni regime, the Saudi occupation of Bahrain, and the Al-Khalifa dictatorship. [29] The United States has a policy of deterring democracy in the region, so why should anyone believe, they have a sincere interest in freedom for Syrians?

There is evidence indicating the United States has been viewing sectarianism as a potential tool for weakening its adversaries for quite some time now. [30] This fits well with the current situation in Syria. The fact that Turkey, which seems to be showing Neo-Ottoman tendencies, has allowed Abdulhakim Belhadj (who was close to both the al-Qaeda leadership and the Taleban) to meet with leaders of the so called “Free Syrian Army” in Istanbul and on the border with Turkey is mind boggling. [31] In addition, Salafi clerics close to the insurgency repeatedly incite religious, racial, and sectarian violence, such as the well-known Saudi cleric Saleh Al-Luhaidan, who said a third of the Syrian population should be killed so that the rest could live. [32] The foreign-backed extremists even murdered the son of the Syria’s Grand Sunni Mufti, [33] just as their allies killed many Sunni clerics and sheikhs in the Anbar province in Iraq.

Whether the Syrian regime survives in its current form, reforms itself, or falls is not really the central issue, though in Tehran it is widely believed that President Assad will survive this crisis and most probably remain in power. What is striking is how the Americans and Europeans simply do not learn from history. One would imagine that, after the September 11 attacks, they would have learned a thing or two about blowback. If extremist ideologies in Afghanistan and Pakistan, funded by the Saudis and other oil-rich Arab regimes, can create such immense difficulties for Western countries, imagine the problem when their sphere of influence reaches North Africa, India, Nigeria, Central Asia, and Turkey.

In any case, despite American attempts to preserve the old order, the region is rapidly changing. This has enormous implications for the Islamic Republic, the United States, and Israel. There is no doubt that future political orders in Egypt and Tunisia will, to say the least, be highly critical of Zionism. It is even possible to imagine the rise of radically different political orders in the future in countries like Jordan. Iran will no longer be an isolated voice in its opposition to Israeli apartheid. This alone will be a major breakthrough for the Islamic Republic, since it will significantly decrease Western pressure on the country. Ongoing events in Yemen also have the potential to help bring about major change in the Persian Gulf region, especially after the role that the United States, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and others have played to preserve the current regime. In the midst of all this, oil-rich countries to the north of the Islamic Republic are also beginning to show signs of instability.

It is important to note that, contrary to Western propaganda, no Iranian leader has at any point advocated the dismantling of Israel through military annihilation. Despite the often willful distortion of the Iranian president’s words in the Western media, the Islamic Republic’s position has consistently been that Israel, like apartheid South Africa, is a colonial entity entitling a particular group of “chosen people” exceptional rights while denying those rights to the majority of the native population, thereby leaving the regime without any legitimacy. Iran’s stance against Israel is based on what it sees to be an important moral principle. [34] The Islamic Republic followed the same principle in its opposition to apartheid South Africa, at a time when Western countries backed the regime. From the Iranian perspective, the only way for the Palestinian issue to be resolved is for the Zionist ideology to be relinquished, so that Muslims, Christians, and Jews can live as equals in the land of Palestine. If the Palestinian people as a whole, including refugees, come to an agreement with Israel, the Islamic Republic would respect the Palestinian decision and refrain from interference. Nevertheless, on moral grounds it will not recognize the Israeli regime as legitimate. Of course, the extremist ideologies promoted by wealthy Arab dictatorships have a very different view of religious diversity and coexistence.

The claim that the Islamic Republic is somehow a military threat is not only dishonest, but the reverse of reality. The United States and Israel, along with other Western countries have repeatedly made military threats against the Iranian people, while the Iranians have never made threats of their own. Of course, Iranians believe that an attack on Iran is unlikely, because even senior American leaders admit that the consequences would be highly detrimental to the United States and its interests. [35] However, the mere threats themselves are seen as inhuman and irrational; because of such American behavior, Iran has prepared itself for any potential American miscalculation. Ayatollah Khamenei recently stated that, while Iran will never carry out aggression, from now on the Islamic Republic will respond to threats with threats. [36] Iranians firmly believe that stability or instability from the Mediterranean to the borders of India is inextricably linked to peace and stability in the Persian Gulf region. A look at a map makes clear that Iran has the ability to respond to threats throughout the region and beyond. If there is no security for Iranians or for Iranian oil exports, then, in Iranian eyes, there will be no security for Iran’s antagonists in the region. [37] Under such conditions, the United States and its allies should not expect oil or gas to flow out of the Persian Gulf, northern Iraq, or Central Asia. It would be a grave mistake to underestimate the Islamic Republic’s military power and resolve as well as the region’s popular response to yet another western act of aggression in a very unstable region.

Hence, it is in the interest of the declining Western powers to take a more rational approach towards regional issues and a more reasonable approach towards the Islamic Republic. Any attempt to hurt or humiliate Iranians will simply harden Iran’s stance and have an opposite effect, whereas reason and respect can lead to a solution acceptable to all sides. As things stand, however, the Islamic Republic has no option but to make conditions more difficult for the United States and its allies in the Persian Gulf region.

It is also in the interest of those so-called “Iran experts” in Western countries who consistently distort reality inside Iran to behave more responsibly.[38] Their constant caricature of Iranian society as well as their unfounded claims of fraud in the 2009 presidential elections, [39] have largely served the interests of unwise advocates of confrontation within the United States who need to “delegitimize” the Islamic Republic in the eyes of the American public. Iranians know quite well that a country engaged in perpetual war - where even establishment figures such as Helen Thomas, Rick Sanchez, and Octavia Nasr are silenced, where academics are denied tenure for their political views, [40] where people are imprisoned for making television channels like Al-Manar available to the public, [41] and where innocent citizens are regularly harassed by the FBI and IRS or arrested on trumped-up charges, simply because they are anti-war, anti-Wall Street or because of their sympathy for Palestinians, Lebanon, or Iran [42] has little right to speak about Iran. Those who do so anyway should at least have the decency to wait until the last Iranian gas victim dies.

Seyed Mohamed Marandi is an Associate Professor at the University of Tehran and is currently spending a sabbatical year in Beirut. He is a regular commentator on various international news channels.

This article first appeared as a Policy Paper on Conflicts Forum.

[1] http://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=10955
[2] http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/01/world/middleeast/voting-in-egypt-shows-mandate-for-islamists.html http://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-topic
[3] http://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-topic
[4] http://www.raceforiran.com/the-islamic-republic-of-iran-the-united-states-and-the-balance-of-power-in-the-middle-east
[5] http://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=17269
[6] http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/nov/22/iran-sanctions-economy-government and http://djavad.wordpress.com/2012/01/03/the-fall-of-the-iranian-rial-too-much-of-a-good-thing/
[7] http://www.wikileaks.de/cable/2009/01/09LONDON50.html
[8] http://www.presstv.com/detail/204299.html
[9] http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/julian-borger-global-security-blog/2010/nov/30/iaea-wikileaks
[10] http://articles.latimes.com/2011/dec/29/news/la-pn-ron-paul-sanctions-act-of-war20111229
[13] http://www.zarcommedia.com/index.php/research-documents/6691.html
[14] http://irna.ir/ENNewsShow.aspx?NID=30669329
[15] http://www.raceforiran.com/is-the-u-s-%E2%80%98offer%E2%80%99-to-iran-on-medical-isotopes-a-pretext-for-more-coercive-action
[16] http://www.raceforiran.com/why-should-iran-trust-president-obama
[17] http://rt.com/politics/iran-approves-russian-nuclear/
[18] http://irannuc.ir/fa/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1721:مشاور-امنیت-ملی-اوباما-طرح-روسیه-را-رد-کرد&catid=105:مجموعه-مواضع-رسمی-غرب&Itemid=512
[19] http://www.raceforiran.com/giving-%E2%80%9Cengagement%E2%80%9D-a-bad-name-obama%E2%80%99s-iran-policy-at-one-year
[21] http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/NA05Ak03.html and http://www.huffingtonpost.com/sharmine-narwani/stratfor-challenges-narra_b_1158710.html
[22] http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/nov/04/syria-iran-great-game
[24] http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/NA05Ak03.html and http://rt.com/news/syrian-ngo-western-support-755/
[25] http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/time-rethink-syria
[26] http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/middleeast/8857883/Syrias-President-Assad-I-live-a-normal-life-its-why-Im-popular.html
[27] http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/revolution-against-resistance
[28] http://blogs.rediff.com/mkbhadrakumar/2011/11/21/tahrir-square-unnerves-us-turkey/
[29] http://www.raceforiran.com/american-misreading-of-iran-and-the-changing-reality-of-the-middle-east
[30] http://www.salon.com/writer/sharmine_narwani/
[31] http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/libya/8919057/Leading-Libyan-Islamist-met-Free-Syrian-Army-opposition-group.html
[32] http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/MG15Ak02.html
[33] http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/90777/90854/7609900.html
[34] http://conflictsforum.org/2011/ayatollah-khamenei-and-a-principled-foreign-policy/
[35] http://www.defense.gov/transcripts/transcript.aspx?transcriptid=4937
[36] http://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=17868
[37] http://www.tabnak.ir/fa/news/214501/داد-ﺶﯾاﺰﻓا-ار-ﺖﻔﻧ-يﺎﮭﺑ-ناﺮﯾا-راﺪﺸھ
[38] http://www.raceforiran.com/american-misreading-of-iran-and-the-changing-reality-of-the-middle-east
[39] http://www.campaigniran.org/casmii/index.php?q=node/9757 and http://www.middle-east-online.com/english/?id=33663 and http://www.worldpublicopinion.org/pipa/articles/brmiddleeastnafricara/652.php
[40] http://www.normanfinkelstein.com/the-chronicle-of-higher-ed-a-reliable-source/
[41] http://middleeast.about.com/b/2009/04/25/absurd-prison-sentence-for-new-yorker-over-hezbollah-tv.htm
[42] http://www.freeseyedmousavi.com/